BOOK XVI.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE YEARS.
FROM THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER
AND ARISTOBULUS.
CHAPTER 1.
A LAW OF HEROD'S ABOUT, THIEVES. SALOME AND PHERORAS CALUMNIATE
ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS, UPON THEIR RETURN FROM ROME FOR WHOM
YET HEROD PROVIDES WIVES.
1. AS king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his
entire government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts
of injustice which were done by criminals about the city and country,
he made a law, no way like our original laws, and which he enacted
of himself, to expose house-breakers to be ejected out of his
kingdom; which punishment was not only grievous to be borne by
the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution of the customs
of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and such as
did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity that
they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was
an offense against our religious settlement, rather than a punishment
to such as were found to have offended, such a punishment being
avoided in our original laws; for those laws ordain, that the
thief shall restore fourfold; and that if he have not so much,
he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he
be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released after
six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a
severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence
of Herod, when he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and
thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his subjects, did
he venture to introduce such a punishment. Now this penalty, thus
brought into practice, was like Herod's other actions, and became
a part of his accusation, and an occasion of the hatred he lay
under.
2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous
to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and
Caesar was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but
delivered him his sons again, that he might take them home with
him, as having already completed themselves in the sciences; but
as soon as the young men were come from Italy, the multitude were
very desirous to see them, and they became conspicuous among them
all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having the
countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared
to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king's sister, and to
such as had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious,
that when these came to the government, they should be punished
for the wickedness they had been guilty of against their mother;
so they made this very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies
against them also. They gave it out that they were not pleased
with their father's company, because he had put their mother to
death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear to converse
with their mother's murderer. Now, by carrying these stories;
that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only
built on probabilities as to the present accusation, they were
able to do them mischief, and to make Herod take away that kindness
from his sons which he had before borne to them; for they did
not say these things to him openly, but scattered abroad such
words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when
carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which
natural affection itself, even in length of time, was not able
to overcome; yet was the king at that time in a condition to prefer
the natural affection of a father before all the suspicions and
calumnies his sons lay under. So he respected them as he ought
to do, and married them to wives, now they were of an age suitable
thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome's daughter;
and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of
Cappadocia.
CHAPTER 2.
HOW HEROD TWICE SAILED TO AGRIPPA; AND HOW UPON THE COMPLAINT
IN IONIA AGAINST THE GREEKS AGRIPPA CONFIRMED THE LAWS TO THEM.
1. WHEN Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood
that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he
made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his kingdom,
and to partake of what he might justly expect from one that had
been his guest, and was his friend. This request he greatly pressed,
and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea; whereupon Herod
omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained him in his
new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built, and
provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him
and his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port
that he had built, and at the fortresses which he had erected
at great expenses, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He
also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people
met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations.
Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted
the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that
could be gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he
abode many days with them, and would willingly have staid longer,
but that the season of the year made him make haste away; for
as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later,
and yet he was of necessity to return again to Ionia.
2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on
the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but
king Herod, when he had passed the winter in his own dominions,
made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he
designed to go to a campaign at the Bosptiorus. So when he had
sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking
he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short
here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the
shore; so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly
treated a great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving
them royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city
was fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithridatic
war, and was very large and fine building, so was it not so easy
to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not
only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient
to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that
portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover
its proper ornaments. And when the high winds were laid, he sailed
to Mytilene, and thence to Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa
was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he made all the haste possible
to overtake him, and came up with him about Sinope, in Pontus.
He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly, but appeared
to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were between
them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest
marks of the king's kindness and humanity towards him possible,
since the king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper
season, for his assistance, and had left the government of his
own dominions, and thought it more worth his while to come to
him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management
of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving
him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion
for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him
in all things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity
because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those
affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent
thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through
Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great
Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus
to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many benefits on
every city that he came to, according as they stood in need of
them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind treatment,
he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself
out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa
for all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things
so about, that the petitioners failed in none of their suits to
him, Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of great
generosity, and ready to grant all such requests as might be advantageous
to the petitioners, provided they were not to the detriment of
others. The inclination of the king was of great weight also,
and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good; for
he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom
he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar's
procurators, and discharged them of their tributes; and helped
all others, according as their several necessities required.
3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude
of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold
of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before
them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted
to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits,
by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days, and were
deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were
forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them
to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used
to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live
according to their own laws. When this clamor was made, the king
desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned
Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges.
Accordingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans,
and such of the kings and rulers as were there, to be his assessors,
Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows: "It
is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse
to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries
they lie under; and for those that now are complainants, they
approach you with great assurance; for as they have formerly often
obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it,
they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will
take care that those favors you have already granted them may
not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from
you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from
us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we
know are as much subjects as we are; and certainly, if we have
been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have
obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors;
and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for
the donors not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the
hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident
that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow
those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves
have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire
those favors already granted may be abrogated. Now if any one
should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things
they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of
their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their
festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose
to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer
any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs
of their forefathers; for a great many of them have rather chosen
to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress
in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness
which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing,
that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions
require, and yet to live [in peace]; and although they would not
be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others
to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of
impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any
others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards
their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices.
Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your
government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest
blessing '. Is there any one that can desire to make void the
favors they have granted? No one is certainly so mad; for there
are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both
public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have
granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants
made them by you may be taken from them also; which grants of
yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider
the old governments under kings, together with your present government,
besides the great number of benefits which this government hath
bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead
of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of
slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we desire, even when
we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be
envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means,
but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than
this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition;
which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us,
so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; for if
the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those
that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs
which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the
preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of
ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety,
and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day
we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our
customs and laws, (1) we thinking it proper to reflect on them,
as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding
of sin. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he
will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient
also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have
received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out
of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously
enjoyed them and observed them. Now our adversaries take these
our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize
upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred
money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they
impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy
days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the
contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because
they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious
as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and
to them involuntary, hatred; for your government over all is one,
tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of
ill-will among such as are disposed to it. This is therefore what
we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not
be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be
hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled
of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves
force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only
according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you.
And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and
the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol,
concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after
you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to
be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto
preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but
almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they
could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a
great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate
the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they
possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse;
but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those
advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to
say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king
who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; and indeed
in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been
deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token
of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance
of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth;
therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his
so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit
not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater,
who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with
two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in
the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; and what
need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at
that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed
by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the
epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had
honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him;
for these are demonstrations both that we have received these
favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee
for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope
for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of
regard to our king's disposition towards you, and your disposition
towards him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews
that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country,
and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and
honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people
a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee.
We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by
our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager
of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship
which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath
been procured them by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind
of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee,
and make our request for no more but this, that what you have
given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from
us."
4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition
made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as
in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence
to be offered to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make
any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had
done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews
inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them
[in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their
generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their
institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when
Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he
made this answer: That, on account of Herod's good-will and friendship,
he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him,
and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and
that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple
to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of
the Roman government; but that while their request was no more
than this, that what privileges they had already given them might
not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue
in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering
them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved
the assembly; upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave
him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa
also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again,
and embraced him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos;
but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country;
and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage,
and landed at Cesarea in a few days' time, as having favorable
winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all
the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out
of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them a particular
account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews
in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment
for the time to come. He also told them of the entire good fortune
he had met with and how he had administered the government, and
had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and
as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part
of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased
with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with
great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.
CHAPTER 3
HOW GREAT DISTURBANCES AROSE IN HERODS FAMILY ON HIS PREFERRING
ANTIPATER HIS ELDEST SON BEFORE THE REST, TILL ALEXANDER TOOK
THAT INJURY VERY HEINOUSLY.
1. BUT now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more
disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome
to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended
as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne]; and as
she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she proceeded
to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavor that none
of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it in their
power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat of
a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned
by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered,
and by their own affectation of dominion. The old grudge was also
renewed; and they east reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who
requited the young men with malicious designs, and actually laid
treacherous snares for them. Now as for this hatred, it was equal
on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred was different;
for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and affronting
the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it the
most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner;
but the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies
after a subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young
men, and imagining that their boldness might in time turn to the
offering violence to their father; for inasmuch as they were not
ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she
suffered justly, these supposed that might at length exceed all
bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their
father, though it were by despatching him with their own hands.
At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their
discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness
of the young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was
too hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon them came
to be believed, by means of their own conduct; for they who were
so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while
they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they
vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed was truly
such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also,
because they were forced to live with those that had been her
murderers, and to be partakers with them.
2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence abroad
had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon
as Herod was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to
the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fill words immediately
as if he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly
threatened that they would not spare him any longer, but revenge
their mother's death upon him. They also added another circumstance,
that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia,
that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse
their father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately
disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, because the same
things were related to him by some others also. He then called
to mind his former calamity, and considered that the disorders
in his family had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from
those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he loved
so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be
heavier and greater than those that were past, he was in great
confusion of mind; for Divine Providence had in reality conferred
upon him a great many outward advantages for his happiness, even
beyond his hopes; but the troubles he had at home were such as
he never expected to have met with, and rendered him unfortunate;
nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one could
imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison
of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward
good things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought
not to have chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family,
though he had, for a compensation, never been possessed of the
admired grandeur of a kingdom.
3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress
these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that
was born to him when he was a private man; his name was Antipater;
yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he
was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased,
but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons
of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his so, that it might
be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs [he
thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that
the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone,
or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced Antipater
as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision
for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to
the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these
to be of a better disposition; but the event proved otherwise
than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very
great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once
obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things
than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in
his head, and that was to distress his brethren, and not at all
to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father,
who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard
about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal against
them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually
more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports
that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself
the suspicion as if those discoveries proceeded from him; but
he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants
that were unsuspected, and such as might be believed to speak
truth by reason of the good-will they bore to the king; and indeed
there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with
Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were
the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared
to speak thus out of their good-will to him: and with these joint
accusations, which from various foundations supported one another's
veracity, the young men themselves afforded further occasions
to Antipater also; for they were observed to shed tears often,
on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their
mother in their mouths; and among their friends they ventured
to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which
things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater
against a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod,
with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, that it brought
a great tumult into the family; for while the king was very angry
at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was
desirous to humble them, he still increased the honor that he
had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his
persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also
wrote frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly
recommended him to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was
returning to Rome, after he had finished his ten years' government
in Asia. (2) Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him,
he had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa,
that he might take him along with him, together with many presents,
that so he might become Caesar's friend, insomuch that things
already looked as if he had all his father's favor, and that the
young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the
kingdom.
CHAPTER 4.
HOW DURING ANTIPATER'S ABODE AT ROME, HEROD BROUGHT ALEXANDER
AND ARISTOBULUS BEFORE CAESAR AND ACCUSED THEM. ALEXANDER'S DEFENSE
OF HIMSELF BEFORE CAESAR AND RECONCILIATION TO HIS FATHER.
1. AND now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented
the honor to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence
above his brethren; for he had made a great figure in Rome, because
Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there;
only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities
of perpetually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was,
lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a more favorable
opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in his mind,
he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from
Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his
father against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern
for his preservation, but in truth such as his malicious mind
dictated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession,
which yet was already great in itself: and thus he did till he
had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already
become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while
he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and
that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend,
he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons
before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might
be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety. But as he was going
up to Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with
Caesar at the city Aquilei (3) so when he came to the speech of
Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein
he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there,
and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against
him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they
were able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own
father, and would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom,
after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar
to dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who
shall exercise the greatest piety towards him; while these my
sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment
thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive
their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by
time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a
long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay
it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language,
while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever suffered
from him, or what hardships he hath ever laid upon them to make
them complain of him; and how they can think it just that he should
not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time, and with
great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose
of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages,
he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter
imitate the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may
gain so great a requital as that is: and that it is an impious
thing for them to pretend to meddle with it beforehand; for he
who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time reckons
upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise he cannot
come at the government: that as for himself, he had hitherto given
them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are
subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments
they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married
them into the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus]
to his sister's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king
Archelaus; and, what was the greatest favor of all, when their
crimes were so very bad, and he had authority to punish them,
yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought them
before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity
which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as
a king who had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done,
but made them stand upon a level with him in judgment: that, however,
it was necessary that all this should not be passed over without
punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that
it was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun
after what they have done, although they should escape at this
time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly
suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.
2. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency
against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while
he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were
in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience
they were innocent; but because they were accused by their father,
they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them
to make their apology, since though they were at liberty to speak
their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force
and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent
so to do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be
able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed,
while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should
seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt, -
nor had they any defense ready, by reason of their youth, and
the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprized, when
he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their
delay to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness
of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty.
They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular;
and they moved their father's affections in earnest till he had
much ado to conceal them.
3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both
in him and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either
shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them,
whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted
to answer his accusation, and said, "O father, the benevolence
thou hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial
procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions about
us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of
all, for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father,
to punish the guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making
Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that
thou intendest to save us; for no one that hath a design to slay
a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars; yet are
our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves
any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such a father;
nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion
upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt.
And if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy,
both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in;
but if this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us
that we have seen the sun this day; which why should we see, if
this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy to say of young
men, that they desire to reign; and to say further, that this
evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly
sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former;
but consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all
such young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuously;
for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if he have children, and
their mother be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon
all his sons, as intending some treachery to him; but a suspicion
is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now let any
man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any
such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made
credible? Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or
prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants,
or letters written against thee? though indeed there are none
of those things but have sometimes been pretended by way of calumny,
when they were never done; for a royal family that is at variance
with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou callest a
reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation
of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor
does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to
calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will
not hear what we have to say? Have we talked with too great freedom?
Yes; but not against thee, for that would be unjust, but against
those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath
either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but not because she is
dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that had no
reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know
our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we
already have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in
vain? And if we have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them?
Or supposing that we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain
thy kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread upon it,
nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as that;
nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole
nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government,
and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by
thee (4) But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any
murderer go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons,
and not so impious or so thoughtless as that comes to, though
perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient for thee. But in case
thou neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous
designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a wickedness
of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then what befell
her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement
to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves;
but actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will
make this agreement with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord
of all, who is now a mediator between us, If thou, O father, canst
bring thyself, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free from
suspicion concerning us let us live, though even then we shall
live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts of wickedness,
though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear
remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this
reason for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us
as to desire to have it, if it tend to the harm of our father
who gave it us."
4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before
believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked
intently upon Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded:
the persons there present were under an anxiety about the young
men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king hated,
for the very incredibility of the calumny, and the commiseration
of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which were in the
young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on this account,
that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence;
nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former
countenances, which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards
to the ground, but now there arose in them hope of the best; and
the king himself appeared not to have had foundation enough to
build such an accusation upon, he having no real evidence wherewith
to correct them. Indeed he wanted some apology for making the
accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said, that although
the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which they
were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they
had not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent
that suspicion which was spread abroad concerning them. He also
exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled
to his sons; for that it was not just to give any credit to such
reports concerning his own children; and that this repentance
on both sides might still heal those breaches that had happened
between them, and might improve that their good-will to one another,
whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions,
might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each
other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition,
he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed
to fall down to make intercession to their father, he took them
up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and took each of
them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those that were present,
whether free-man or slave, but was deeply affected with what they
saw. (5)
5. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together;
and with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that
he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the last days they
were with Caesar, Herod made him a present of three hundred talents,
as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the people of
Rome; and Caesar made him a present of half the revenue of the
copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other half
to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes; and as to
his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which
of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it
in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to
them all. And when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement
immediately, Caesar said he would not give him leave to deprive
himself, while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or
over his sons.
6. After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence
no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom
yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled
to a submission again. Now as Herod was sailing with his sons,
and was come over against Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which
hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing that
he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against
Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also
made one another such presents as it became kings to make, From
thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a
speech to the people concerning what had been done in this his
journey. He also discoursed to them about Caesar's kindness to
him, and about as many of the particulars he had done as he thought
it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with. At
last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted
those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and
informed them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater
first, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne:
but he desired that at present they should all have regard to
himself, and esteem him king and lord of all, since he was not
yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life when he
must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient
in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the
kingdom well, and to rule over his children also. He further told
the rulers under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would
look upon him alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner,
and they would make one another happy. And when he had said this,
he dismissed the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the
greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the
contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them, occasioned
thoughts and desires of innovations among them.
CHAPTER 5.
HOW HEROD CELEBRATED THE GAMES THAT WERE TO RETURN EVERY FIFTH
YEAR UPON THE BUILDING OF CESAREA; AND HOW HE BUILT AND ADORNED
MANY OTHER PLACES AFTER A MAGNIFICENT MANNER; AND DID MANY OTHER
ACTIONS GLORIOUSLY
1. ABOUT this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had built,
was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth
year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of
Herod's reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad.
There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations
made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed
a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had
also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats,
and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the
most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited
at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar,
and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent
all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it
might want nothing to make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife,
sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome],
insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all
was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great multitude
was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors
whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received
from Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at
public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having
in the day time the diversions of the fights, and in the night
time such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly
demonstrated the generosity of his soul; for in all his undertakings
he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been
done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and
Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little
for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both
all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.
2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected
another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out
a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and
proper for the production of what was there planted, where a river
encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the best trees for
magnitude was round about it: this he named Antipatris, from his
father Antipater. He also built upon another spot of ground above
Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security
and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. He also
dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account
of the great natural affection there had been between them, by
erecting a tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of
Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, which was at once a part of
the strong defenses of the city, and a memorial for him that was
deceased, because it bare his name. He also built a city of the
same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward,
whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful by the
cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called
Phasaelus.
3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them
up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece,
and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems
to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what
would minister to many necessities, and the building of public
works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such works
as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other
revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all
his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses,
and gave them a great number of talents of silver for the repair
of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public
edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; (6) and
for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of
Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways,
he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road
with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the inhabitants.
And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition,
by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their
reputation, and appointed revenues for heir maintenance, and made
that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other
ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally
declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers
of those games.
4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod's
nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence,
and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no
possibility for even those that had the least respect for him
to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature vastly
beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted,
and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his
nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting
disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish,
and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose
his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with
itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the
occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; for
being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion,
he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any
hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; and as
his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to
be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended
his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer
of it; and because he was conscious that he was hated by those
under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an
easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient
for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make
their ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court,
therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language,
and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to
think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to
contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends,
and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness
he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored.
Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have
the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa,
and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects
to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid
to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he
could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like
presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation is by their law
a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness
to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him,
because it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition
with statues or temples, or any other such performances; And this
seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod's crimes
as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions
as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him.
CHAPTER 6.
AN EMBASSAGE IN CYRENE AND ASIA TO CAESAR, CONCERNING THE COMPLAINTS
THEY HAD TO MAKE AGAINST THE GREEKS; WITH COPIES OF THE EPISTLES
WHICH CAESAR AND AGRIPPA WROTE TO THE CITIES FOR THEM.
1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those
also of the same nation which lived ill Libya, which joins to
Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges
with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this
time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and
to do them mischief on other particular occasions. When therefore
they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors
to Caesar on those a
