BOOK VII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT THREE YEARS.
FROM THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS TO THE SEDITION AT CYRENE
CHAPTER 1.
HOW THE ENTIRE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS DEMOLISHED, EXCEPTING
THREE TOWERS; AND HOW TITUS COMMENDED HIS SOLDIERS IN A SPEECH
MADE TO THEM, AND DISTRIBUTED REWARDS TO THEM AND THEN DISMISSED
MANY OF THEM.
1. NOW as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder,
because there remained none to be the objects of their fury, (for
they would not have spared any, had there remained any other work
to be done,) Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish
the entire city and temple, but should leave as many of the towers
standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus,
and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall as enclosed
the city on the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford
a camp for such as were to lie in garrison, as were the towers
also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of
city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had
subdued; but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly
laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation,
that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe
it had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Jerusalem came
to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise
of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind. (1)
2. But Caesar resolved to leave there, as a guard, the tenth legion,
with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So,
having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend
his whole army, on account of the great exploits they had performed,
and to bestow proper rewards on such as had signalized themselves
therein. He had therefore a great tribunal made for him in the
midst of the place where he had formerly encamped, and stood upon
it with his principal commanders about him, and spake so as to
be heard by the whole arrmy in the manner following: That he returned
them abundance of thanks for their good-will which they had showed
to him: he commended them for that ready obedience they had exhibited
in this whole war, which obedience had appeared in the many and
great dangers which they had courageously undergone; as also for
that courage they had shown, and had thereby augmented of themselves
their country's power, and had made it evident to all men, that
neither the multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of their
places, nor the largeness of their cities, nor the rash boldness
and brutish rage of their antagonists, were sufficient at any
time to get clear of the Roman valor, although some of them may
have fortune in many respects on their side. He said further,
that it was but reasonable for them to put an end to this war,
now it had lasted so long, for that they had nothing better to
wish for when they entered into it; and that this happened more
favorably for them, and more for their glory, that all the Romans
had willingly accepted of those for their governors, and the curators
of their dominions, whom they had chosen for them, and had sent
into their own country for that purpose, which still continued
under the management of those whom they had pitched on, and were
thankful to them for pitching upon them. That accordingly, although
he did both admire and tenderly regard them all, because he knew
that every one of them had gone as cheerfully about their work
as their abilities and opportunities would give them leave; yet,
he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and dignities
on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force,
and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner,
and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits; and
that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another
should miss of a just retribution for the same; for that he had
been exceeding careful about this matter, and that the more, because
he had much rather reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers than
punish such as had offended.
3. Hereupon Titus ordered those whose business it was to read
the list of all that had performed great exploits in this war,
whom he called to him by their names, and commended them before
the company, and rejoiced in them in the same manner as a man
would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He also put on their
heads crowns of gold, and golden ornaments about their necks,
and gave them long spears of gold,. and ensigns that were made
of silver, and removed every one of them to a higher rank; and
besides this, he plentifully distributed among them, out of the
spoils, and the other prey they had taken, silver, and gold, and
garments. So when they had all these honors bestowed on them,
according to his own appointment made to every one, and he had
wished all sorts of happiness to the whole army, he came down,
among the great acclamations which were made to him, and then
betook himself to offer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at
once sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood ready at the
altars, and distributed them among the army to feast on. And when
he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so
long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the
several places where they would be every one best situated; but
permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and
did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been before.
And as he remembered that the twelfth legion had given way to
the Jews, under Cestius their general, he expelled them out of
all Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea, and sent them
away to a place called Meletine, near Euphrates, which is in the
limits of Armenia and Cappadocia; he also thought fit that two
of the legions should stay with him till he should go to Egypt.
He then went down with his army to that Cesarea which lay by the
sea-side, and there laid up the rest of his spoils in great quantities,
and gave order that the captives should he kept there; for the
winter season hindered him then from sailing into Italy.
CHAPTER 2.
HOW TITUS EXHIBITED ALL SORTS OF SHOWS AT CESAREA PHILIPPI.
CONCERNING SIMON THE TYRANT HOW HE WAS TAKEN, AND RESERVED FOR
THE TRIUMPH.
1. NOW at the same time that Titus Caesar lay at the siege of
Jerusalem, did Vespasian go on board a merchantship and sailed
from Alexandria to Rhodes; whence he sailed away ,in ships with
three rows of oars; and as he touched at several cities that lay
in his road, he was joyfully received by them all, and so passed
over from Ionia into Greece; whence he set sail from Corcyra to
the promontory of Iapyx, whence he took his journey by land. But
as for Titus, he marched from that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side,
and came to that which is named Cesarea Philippi, and staid there
a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there. And
here a great number of the captives were destroyed, some being
thrown to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill
one another, as if they were their enemies. And here it was that
Titus was informed of the seizure of Simon the son of Gioras,
which was made after the manner following: This Simon, during
the siege of Jerusalem, was in the upper city; but when the Roman
army was gotten within the walls, and were laying the city waste,
he then took the most faithful of his friends with him, and among
them some that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools which
belonged to their occupation, and as great a quantity of provisions
as would suffice them for a long time, and let himself and all
them down into a certain subterraneous cavern that was not visible
above ground. Now, so far as had been digged of old, they went
onward along it without disturbance; but where they met with solid
earth, they dug a mine under ground, and this in hopes that they
should be able to proceed so far as to rise from under ground
in a safe place, and by that means escape. But when they came
to make the experiment, they were disappointed of their hope;
for the miners could make but small progress, and that with difficulty
also; insomuch that their provisions, though they distributed
them by measure, began to fail them. And now Simon, thinking he
might be able to astonish and elude the Romans, put on a white
frock, and buttoned upon him a purple cloak, and appeared out
of the ground in the place where the temple had formerly been.
At the first, indeed, those that saw him were greatly astonished,
and stood still where they were; but afterward they came nearer
to him, and asked him who he was. Now Simon would not tell them,
but bid them call for their captain; and when they ran to call
him, Terentius Rufus (2) who was left to command the army there,
came to Simon, and learned of him the whole truth, and kept him
in bonds, and let Caesar know that he was taken. Thus did God
bring this man to be punished for what bitter and savage tyranny
he had exercised against his countrymen by those who were his
worst enemies; and this while he was not subdued by violence,
but voluntarily delivered himself up to them to be punished, and
that on the very same account that he had laid false accusations
against many Jews, as if they were falling away to the Romans,
and had barbarously slain them for wicked actions do not escape
the Divine anger, nor is justice too weak to punish offenders,
but in time overtakes those that transgress its laws, and inflicts
its punishments upon the wicked in a manner, so much more severe,
as they expected to escape it on account of their not being punished
immediately. (3) Simon was made sensible of this by falling under
the indignation of the Romans. This rise of his out of the ground
did also occasion the discovery of a great number of others Of
the seditious at that time, who had hidden themselves under ground.
But for Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds, when he was
come back to that Cesarea which was on the seaside, who gave orders
that he should be kept against that triumph which he was to celebrate
at Rome upon this occasion.
CHAPTER 3.
HOW TITUS UPON THE CELEBRATION OF HIS BROTHERS AND FATHERS
BIRTHDAYS HAD MANY OF THE JEWS SLAIN. CONCERNING THE DANGER THE
JEWS WERE IN AT ANTIOCH, BY MEANS OF THE TRANSGRESSION AND IMPIETY
OF ONE ANTIOCHUS, A JEW.
1. WHILE Titus was at Cesarea, he solemnized the birthday of his
brother Domitian] after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great
deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honor of him;
for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the
beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded
two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans,
when they were thus destroyed ten thousand several ways, to be
a punishment beneath their deserts. After this Caesar came to
Berytus, (4) which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman colony,
and staid there a longer time, and exhibited a still more pompous
solemnity about his father's birthday, both in the magnificence
of the shows, and in the other vast expenses he was at in his
devices thereto belonging; so that a great multitude of the captives
were here destroyed after the same manner as before.
2. It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained
at Antioch were under accusations, and in danger of perishing,
from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians;
and this both on account of the slanders spread abroad at this
time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played
not long before; which I am obliged to describe without fail,
though briefly, that I may the better connect my narration of
future actions with those that went before.
3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable
earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with
Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes
in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the
kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the
most undisturbed tranquillity; for though Antiochus, who was called
Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did
those that succeeded him in the kingdom restore all the donations
that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated
them to their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal
privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves; and as the
succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both
multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously
by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of
what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great
many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby after a sort brought
them to be a portion of their own body. But about this time when
the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria,
and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then
it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being
one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of
his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch (5) came upon
the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled
together, and became an informer against his father, and accused
both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city
in one night; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were
foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. When the people
heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded
that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought
to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater
immediately. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of
the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should
save their own city. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage
they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his
own conversion, arm of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing
after the manner of the Greeks; he persuaded the rest also to
compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover
who they were that had plotted against them, since they would
not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment,
some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain.
As for Ailtiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman
commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not
permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to
do all that they usually did on other days; and to that degree
of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of
the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same
thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also,
in like manner, for some small time.
4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch,
a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we
were going about we premised the account foregoing; for upon this
accident, whereby the four-square market-place was burnt down,
as well as the archives, and the place where the public records
were preserved, and the royal palaces, (and it was not without
difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely,
by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over
the whole city,) Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of
all the mischief that was done. Now this induced the people of
Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason
of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and
would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had
not borne an ill-will at the Jews before, to believe this man's
accusation, especially when they considered what had been done
before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently
upon those that were accused, and this, like madmen, in a very
furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner
setting fire themselves to the city; nor was it without difficulty
that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them
to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; for as to Cesennius
Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him
away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither.
But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter,
he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were
accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, but that all was done
by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they
could once set fire to the market-place, and burn the public records,
they should have no further demands made upon them. So the Jews
were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations
of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them.
CHAPTER 4.
HOW VESPASIAN WAS RECEIVED AT ROME; AS ALSO HOW THE GERMANS
REVOLTED FROM THE ROMANS, BUT WERE SUBDUED. THAT THE SARMATIANS
OVERRAN MYSIA, BUT WERE COMPELLED TO RETIRE TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY
AGAIN.
1. AND now Titus Caesar, upon the news that was brought him concerning
his father, that
his coming was much desired by all the Italian cities, and that
Rome especially received him with great alacrity and splendor,
betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a great degree, as
now freed from the solicitude he had been under, after the most
agreeable manner. For all men that were in Italy showed their
respects to him in their minds before he came thither, as if he
were already come, as esteeming the very expectation they had
of him to be his real presence, on account of the great desires
they had to see him, and because the good-will they bore him was
entirely free and unconstrained; for it was, desirable thing to
the senate, who well remembered the calamities they had undergone
in the late changes of their governors, to receive a governor
who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest
skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they
knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that
were to be governed. Moreover, the people had been so harassed
by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for
his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly
delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then
recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; and for the
soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were
chiefly apprized of his great exploits in war; and since they
had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other
commanders, they were very desirous to be free from that great
shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to
receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornament to
them. And as this good-will to Vespasian was universal, those
that enjoyed any remarkable dignities could not have patience
enough to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet him at a very great
distance from it; nay, indeed, none of the rest could endure the
delay of seeing him, but did all pour out of the city in such
crowds, and were so universally possessed with the opinion that
it was easier and better for them to go out than to stay there,
that this was the very first time that the city joyfully perceived
itself almost empty of its citizens; for those that staid within
were fewer than those that went out. But as soon as the news was
come that he was hard by, and those that had met him at first
related with what good humor he received every one that came to
him, then it was that the whole multitude that had remained in
the city, with their wives and children, came into the road, and
waited for him there; and for those whom he passed by, they made
all sorts of acclamations, on account of the joy they had to see
him, and the pleasantness of his countenance, and styled him their
Benefactor and Savior, and the only person who was worthy to be
ruler of the city of Rome. And now the city was like a temple,
full of garlands and sweet odors; nor was it easy for him to come
to the royal palace, for the multitude of the people that stood
about him, where yet at last he performed his sacrifices of thanksgiving
to his household gods for his safe return to the city. The multitude
did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings
they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their
neighborhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his
sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government
for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved
from all opposition. And this was the manner in which Rome so
joyfully received Vespasian, and thence grew immediately into
a state of great prosperity.
2. But before this time, and while Vespasian was about Alexandria,
and Titus was lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multitude
of the Germans were in commotion, and tended to rebellion; and
as the Gauls in their neighborhood joined with them, they conspired
together, and had thereby great hopes of success, and that they
should free themselves from the dominion of the Romans. The motives
that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for
beginning the war, were these: In the first place, the nature
[of the people], which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready
to throw themselves rashly into danger, upon small hopes; in the
next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors,
while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any
but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these
motives, it was the opportunity that now offered itself, which
above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; for when they
saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the
continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part
of the habitable earth under them was in an unsettled and tottering
condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that couldd
afford itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state
of the Romans was so ill. Classicus (6) also, and Vitellius, two
of their commanders, puffed them up with such hopes. These had
for a long time been openly desirous of such an innovation, and
were induced by the present opportunity to venture upon the declaration
of their sentiments; the multitude was also ready; and when these
men told them of what they intended to attempt, that news was
gladly received by them. So when a great part of the Germans had
agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian,
as guided by Divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis,
who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he declared
him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon
him the government of Britain; so he went whither he was ordered
to go, and when he was informed of the revolt of the Germans,
he fell upon them as soon as they were gotten together, and put
his army in battle-array, and slew a great number of them in the
fight, and forced them to leave off their madness, and to grow
wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly upon them on the place,
it had not been long ere they would however have been brought
to punishment; for as soon as ever the news of their revolt was
come to Rome, and Caesar Domitian was made acquainted with it,
he made no delay, even at that his age, when he was exceeding
young, but undertook this weighty affair. He had a courageous
mind from his father, and had made greater improvements than belonged
to such an age: accordingly he marched against the barbarians
immediately; whereupon their hearts failed them at the very rumor
of his approach, and they submitted themselves to him with fear,
and thought it a happy thing that they were brought under their
old yoke again without suffering any further mischiefs. When therefore
Domitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul in such good order,
that it would not be easily put into disorder any more, he returned
to Rome with honor and glory, as having performed such exploits
as were above his own age, but worthy of so great a father.
3. At the very same time with the forementioned revolt of the
Germans did the bold attempt of the Scythians against the Romans
occur; for those Scythians who are called Sarmatians, being a
very numerous people, transported themselves over the Danube into
Mysia, without being perceived; after which, by their violence,
and entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great many of the
Romans that guarded the frontiers; and as the consular legate
Fonteius Agrippa came to meet them, and fought courageously against
them, he was slain by them. They then overran all the region that
had been subject to him, tearing and rending every thing that
fell in their way. But when Vespasian was informed of what had
happened, and how Mysia was laid waste, he sent away Rubrius Gallus
to punish these Sarmatians; by whose means many of them perished
in the battles he fought against them, and that part which escaped
fled with fear to their own country. So when this general had
put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of
the country also; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons
in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians
to pass over the river any more. And thus had this war in Mysia
a sudden conclusion.
CHAPTER V.
CONCERNING THE SABBATIC RIVER WHICH TITUS SAW AS HE WAS JOURNEYING
THROUGH SYRIA; AND HOW THE PEOPLE OF ANTIOCH CAME WITH A PETITION
TO TITUS AGAINST THE JEWS BUT WERE REJECTED BY HIM; AS ALSO CONCERNING
TITUS'S AND VESPASIAN'S TRIUMPH.
1. NOW Titus Caesar tarried some time at Berytus, as we told you
before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in
all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use
of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of
that nation. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature
as deserves to be recorded in history; it runs in the middle between
Arcea, belonging to Agrippa's kingdom, and Raphanea. It hath somewhat
very peculiar in it; for when it runs, its current is strong,
and has plenty of water; after which its springs fail for six
days together, and leave its channel dry, as any one may see;
after which days it runs on the seventh day as it did before,
and as though it had undergone no change at all; it hath also
been observed to keep this order perpetually and exactly; whence
it is that they call it the Sabbatic River (7) that name being
taken from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.
2. But when the people of Antioch were informed that Titus was
approaching, they were so glad at it, that they could not keep
within their walls, but hasted away to give him the meeting; nay,
they proceeded as far as thirty furlongs, and more, with that
intention. These were not the men only, but a multitude of women
also with their children did the same; and when they saw him coming
up to them, they stood on both sides of the way, and stretched
out their right hands, saluting him, and making all sorts of acclamations
to him, and turned back together with him. They also, among all
the acclamations they made to him, besought him all the way they
went to eject the Jews out of their city; yet did not Titus at
all yield to this their petition, but gave them the bare hearing
of it quietly. However, the Jews were in a great deal of terrible
fear, under the uncertainty they were in what his opinion was,
and what he would do to them. For Titus did not stay at Antioch,
but continued his progress immediately to Zeugma, which lies upon
the Euphrates, whither came to him messengers from Vologeses king
of Parthia, and brought him a crown of gold upon the victory he
had gained over the Jews; which he accepted of, and feasted the
king's messengers, and then came back to Antioch. And when the
senate and people of Antioch earnestly entreated him to come upon
their theater, where their whole multitude was assembled, and
expected him, he complied with great humanity; but when they pressed
him with much earnestness, and continually begged of him that
he would eject the Jews out of their city, he gave them this very
pertinent answer: How can this be done, since that country of
theirs, whither the Jews must be obliged then to retire, is destroyed,
and no place will receive them besides?" Whereupon the people
of Antioch, when they had failed of success in this their first
request, made him a second; for they desired that he would order
those tables of brass to be removed on which the Jews' privileges
were engraven. However, Titus would not grant that neither, but
permitted the Jews of Antioch to continue to enjoy the very same
privileges in that city which they had before, and then departed
for Egypt; and as he came to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared
the melancholy condition he saw it then in, with the ancient glory
of the city, and called to mind the greatness of its present ruins,
as well as its ancient splendor, he could not but pity the destruction
of the city, so far was he from boasting that so great and goodly
a city as that was had been by him taken by force; nay, he frequently
cursed those that had been the authors of their revolt, and had
brought such a punishment upon the city; insomuch that it openly
appeared that he did not desire that such a calamity as this punishment
of theirs amounted to should be a demonstration of his courage.
Yet was there no small quantity of the riches that had been in
that city still found among its ruins, a great deal of which the
Romans dug up; but the greatest part was discovered by those who
were captives, and so they carried it away; I mean the gold and
the silver, and the rest of that most precious furniture which
the Jews had, and which the owners had treasured up under ground,
against the uncertain fortunes of war.
3. So Titus took the journey he intended into Egypt, and passed
over the desert very suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took
up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And as he was accompanied
by two legions, he sent each of them again to the places whence
they had before come; the fifth he sent to Mysia, and the fifteenth
to Pannonia: as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John,
with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of
the rest as being eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave
order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving
to produce them in his triumph. So when he had had a prosperous
voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved itself in his reception,
and their meeting him at a distance, as it did in the case of
his father. But what made the most splendid appearance in Titus's
opinion was, when his father met him, and received him; but still
the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when
they saw them all three together, (8) as they did at this time;
nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one
triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of
the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate
had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself. So when
notice had been given beforehand of the day appointed for this
pompous solemnity to be made, on account of their victories, not
one of the immense multitude was left in the city, but every body
went out so far as to gain only a station where they might stand,
and left only such a passage as was necessary for those that were
to be seen to go along it.
4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and
in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the
night time, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces,
but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors
had rested the foregoing night. And as soon as ever it was day,
Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel, and clothed
in those ancient purple habits which were proper to their family,
and then went as far as Octavian's Walks; for there it was that
the senate, and the principal rulers, and those that had been
recorded as of the equestrian order, waited for them. Now a tribunal
had been erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs had been
set upon it, when they came and sat down upon them. Whereupon
the soldiery made an acclamation of joy to them immediately, and
all gave them attestations of their valor; while they were themselves
without their arms, and only in their silken garments, and crowned
with laurel: then Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs;
but while they were still disposed to go on in such acclamations,
he gave them a signal of silence. And when every body entirely
held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part
of his head with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers;
the like prayers did Titus put up also; after which prayers Vespasian
made a short speech to all the people, and then sent away the
soldiers to a dinner prepared for them by the emperors. Then did
he retire to that gate which was called the Gate of the Pomp,
because pompous shows do always go through that gate; there it
was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their
triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that
were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched
through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen
by the multitudes.
5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows
as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed
as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the
labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of
nature; for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men
ever get by piece-meal were here one heaped on another, and those
both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together
on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the
Romans; for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver,
and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did
not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man
may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed
of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others
accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the
arts of the Babylonians. There were also precious stones that
were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other
ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number
were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we
imagined any of them to be rarities. The images of the gods were
also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as
made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor
were any of these images of any other than very costly materials;
and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own
natural ornaments. The men also who brought every one of these
shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments,
all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying
these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments
as were both extraordinary and surprising. Besides these, one
might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned,
while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture,
concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. But what
afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the
pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could
not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough
to support them, such was their magnitude; for many of them were
so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above
another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one
both pleasure and surprise; for upon many of them were laid carpets
of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about
them all; and many resemblances of the war, and those in several
ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture
of itself. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste,
and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran
away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great
altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with
the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous
cities upon the tops of hills seized on, and an army pouring itself
within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications
of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their
hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here
represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners:
rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert,
ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or
for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side;
for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during
this war. Now the workmanship of these representations was so
magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that
it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as
if they had been there really present. On the top of every one
of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was
taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed
those pageants a great number of ships; and for the other spoils,
they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken
in the temple of Jerusalem, (9) they made the greatest figure
of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many
talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its
construction were now changed from that which we made use of;
for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches
were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness
of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made
of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number
seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the
Jews; and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the
Jews. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying
the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of
ivory or of gold. After which Vespasian marched in the first place,
and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and
made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy
of admiration.
6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still;
for it was the Romans' ancient custom to stay till somebody brought
the news that the general of the enemy was slain. This general
was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph
among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and
he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal
been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the
Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain
there. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end
of him, and all the people had set up a shout for joy, they then
began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in
the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished,
they went away to the palace. And as for some of the spectators,
the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all
the rest there were noble preparations made for feasting at home;
for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated
for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for
the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the
commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness.
7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the
Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved
to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time,
and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation
and opinion: for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of
wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits,
he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; for in this
temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime
used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they
had a desire to see one of them after another; he also laid up
therein those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out
of the Jewish temple, as ensigns of his glory. But still he gave
order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils
of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
CHAPTER 6.
CONCERNING MACHERUS, AND HOW LUCILIUS BASSUS TOOK THAT CITADEL,
AND OTHER PLACES.
1. NOW Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there
he received the army from Cerealis Vitellianus, and took that
citadel which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that
was in it; after which he got together all the soldiery that was
there, (which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties,)
with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Macherus;
for it was highly necessary that this citadel should be demolished,
lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion,
by reason of its strength; for the nature of the place was very
capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that
possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack
it; for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated
to a very great height; which circumstance alone made it very
hard to he subdued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it
could not be easily ascended; for it is, as it were, ditched about
with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth, that the
eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are not easily to
be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with
earth. For that valley which cuts it on the west extends to threescore
furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltitis;
on the same side it was also that Macherus had the tallest top
of its hill elevated above the rest. But then for the valleys
that lay on the north and south sides, although they be not so
large as that already described, yet it is in like manner an impracticable
thing to think of getting over them; and for the valley that lies
on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred
cubits. It extends as far as a mountain that lies over against
Macherus, with which it is bounded.
2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed
the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel
here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made
war against Aristobulus. But when Herod came to be king, he thought
the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built
upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay
so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that
account, and hath a prospect toward that country; he therefore
surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and
built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led
up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; nay,
more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and
erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high;
in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent
manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. He also made
a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there
might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest
places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were,
contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its
natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard
to be taken) by those fortifications which were made by the hands
of men. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines
of war into it, and contrived to get every thing thither that
might any way contribute to its inhabitants' security, under the
longest siege possible.
3. Now within this place there grew a sort of rue (10) that deserves
our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior
to any fig tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness;
and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of
Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not
been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterward.
But still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north
side there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a
root of the same name with itself (11) its color is like to that
of flame, and towards the evenings it sends out a certain ray
like lightning. It is not easily taken by such as would do it,
but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken
quietly, until either the urine of a woman, or her menstrual blood,
be poured upon it; nay, even then it is certain death to those
that touch it, unless any one take and hang the root itself down
from his hand, and so carry it away. It may also be taken another
way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round
about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small, they
then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to follow him
that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies
immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take
the plant away; nor after this need any one be afraid of taking
it into their hands. Yet, after all this pains in getting, it
is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it
be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those
called demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked,
that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they
can obtain some help against them. Here are also fountains of
hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different
taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others
of them are plainly sweet. Here are also many eruptions of cold
waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have
their fountains near one another, but, what is still more wonderful,
here is to be seen a certain cave hard by, whose cavity is not
deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent; above
this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but
a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out
a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that
is very hot; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose
a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies,
but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has
in it also mines of sulfur and alum.
4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view of this place, he resolved
to besiege it, by filling up the valley that lay on the east side;
so he fell hard to work, and took great pains to raise his banks
as soon as possible, and by that means to render the siege easy.
As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated
themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced
those strangers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to stay in
the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers,
while they themselves seized on the upper citadel, and held it,
and this both on account of its strength, and to provide for their
own safety. They also supposed they might obtain their pardon,
in case they should [at last] surrender the citadel. However,
they were willing to make trial, in the first place, whether the
hopes they had of avoiding a siege would come to any thing; with
which intention they made sallies every day, and fought with those
that met them; in which conflicts they were many of them slain,
as they therein slew many of the Romans. But still it was the
opportunities that presented themselves which chiefly gained both
sides their victories; these were gained by the Jews, when they
fell upon the Romans as they were off their guard; but by the
Romans, when, upon the others' sallies against their banks, they
foresaw their coming, and were upon their lard when they received
them. But the conclusion of this siege did not depend upon these
bickerings; but a certain surprising accident, relating to what
was done in this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the citadel.
There was a certain young man among the besieged, of great boldness,
and very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar; he greatly
signalized himself in those sallies, and encouraged the Jews to
go out in great numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the
banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mischief when they came
to fighting; he so managed matters, that those who sallied out
made their attacks easily, and returned back without danger, and
this by still bringing up the rear himself. Now it happened that,
on a certain time, when the fight was over, and both sides were
parted, and retired home, he, in way of contempt of the enemy,
and thinking that none of them would begin the fight again at
that time, staid without the gates, and talked with those that
were upon the wall, and his mind was wholly intent upon what they
said. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose
lame was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when
nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor
itself; while, in the mean time, those that saw it from the wall
were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance,
and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. So the general of the Romans
ordered that he should be taken up naked, set before the city
to be seen, and sorely whipped before their eyes. Upon this sad
accident that befell the young man, the Jews were terribly confounded,
and the city, with one voice, sorely lamented him, and the mourning
proved greater than could well be supposed upon the calamity of
a single person. When Bassus perceived that, he began to think
of using a stratagem against the enemy, and was desirous to aggravate
their grief, in order to prevail with them to surrender the city
for the preservation of that man. Nor did he fail of his hope;
for he commanded them to set up a cross, as if he were just going
to hang Eleazar upon it immediately; the sight of this occasioned
a sore grief among those that were in the citadel, and they groaned
vehemently, and cried out that they could not bear to see him
thus destroyed. Whereupon Eleazar besought them not to disregard
him, now he was going to suffer a most miserable death, and exhorted
them to save themselves, by yielding to the Roman power and good
fortune, since all other people were now conquered by them. These
men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many
within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an
eminent and very numerous family; so they now yielded to their
passion of commiseration, contrary to their usual custom. Accordingly,
they sent out immediately certain messengers, and treated with
the Romans, in order to a surrender of the citadel to them, and
desired that they might be permitted to go away, and take Eleazar
along with them. Then did the Romans and their general accept
of these terms; while the multitude of strangers that were in
the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement that was
made by the Jews for themselves alone, were resolved to fly away
privately in the night time; but as soon as they had opened their
gates, those that had come to terms with Bassus told him of it;
whether it were that they envied the others' deliverance, or whether
it were done out of fear, lest an occasion should be taken against
them upon their escape, is uncertain. The most courageous, therefore,
of those men that went out prevented the enemy, and got away,
and fled for it; but for those men that were caught within they
5. When Bassus had settled these affairs, he marched hastily to
the forest of Jarden, as it is called; for he had heard that a
great many of those that had fled from Jerusalem and Macherus
formerly were there gotten together. When he was therefore come
to the place, and understood that the former news was no mistake,
he, in the first place, surrounded the whole place with his horsemen,
that such of the Jews as had boldness enough to try to break through
might have no way possible for escaping, by reason of the situation
of these horsemen; and for the footmen, he ordered them to cut
down the trees that were in the wood whither they were fled. So
the Jews were under a necessity of performing some glorious exploit,
and of greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since they might
perhaps thereby escape. So they made a general attack, and with
a great shout fell upon those that surrounded them, who received
them with great courage; and so while the one side fought desperately,
and the others would not yield, the fight was prolonged on that
account. But the event of the battle did not answer the expectation
of the assailants; for so it happened, that no more than twelve
fell on the Roman side, with a few that were wounded; but not
one of the Jews escaped out of this battle, but they were all
killed, being in the whole not fewer in number than three thousand,
together with Judas, the son of Jairus, their general, concerning
whom we have before spoken, that he had been a captain of a certain
band at the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down into a certain
vault under ground, had privately made his escape.
6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus,
and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and
gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale (12) for he
did not found any city there, but reserved the country for himself.
However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom
he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for their habitation;
it is called Emmaus, (13) and is distant from Jerusalem threescore
furlongs. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they
were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every
year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple
at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at
this time.
CHAPTER 7.
CONCERNING THE CALAMITY THAT BEFELL ANTIOCHUS, KING OF COMMAGENE.
AS ALSO CONCERNING THE ALANS AND WHAT GREAT MISCHIEFS THEY DID
TO THE MEDES AND ARMENIANS.
1. AND now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came
to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family,
fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: Cesennius
Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were
done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus,
(for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered,)
sent an epistle to Caesar, and therein told him that Antiochus,
with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans,
and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose;
that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us,
and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the
Roman empire. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about
the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood
of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; for
Samoseta, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon
any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians,
and could also afford them a secure reception. Petus was accordingly
believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should
think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and
fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least
expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as
also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. These kings also came
to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene,
and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. Nor was there any opposition
made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of
that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. When
Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the
least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his
whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately,
with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate
himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid
against him. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred
and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents.
2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosate, and
by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself
to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. However, the king
was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do any thing
in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard
fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent.
But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of
strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without
fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves
to military force; and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted
all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable
manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto,
and that without any diminution of their forces; yet would not
Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by
any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away
with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds
of his own soldiers. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over
to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping
the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate.
It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should
get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute
of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen
with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, whence they went
undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthie, where they were
not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them
as if they had retained their ancient prosperity.
3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered
a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. However,
Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that
manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient
friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable
anger upon pretense of this war. Accordingly, he gave orders that
they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road,
and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live
at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not
only live in plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes, who
before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this,
their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern
they had been under. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled
to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived
in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire.
So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came
to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon,
he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained.
4. Now there was a nation of the Alans, which we have formerly
mentioned some where as being Scythians and inhabiting at the
lake Meotis. This nation about this time laid a design of falling
upon Media, and the parts beyond it, in order to plunder them;
with which intention they treated with the king of Hyrcania; for
he was master of that passage which king Alexander [the Great]
shut up with iron gates. This king gave them leave to come through
them; so they came in great multitudes, and fell upon the Medes
unexpectedly, and plundered their country, which they found full
of people, and replenished with abundance of cattle, while nobody
durst make any resistance against them; for Paeorus, the king
of the country, had fled away for fear into places where they
could not easily come at him, and had yielded up every thing he
had to them, and had only saved his wife and his concubines from
them, and that with difficulty also, after they had been made
captives, by giving them a hundred talents for their ransom. These
Alans therefore plundered the country without opposition, and
with great ease, and proceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste
before them. Now Tiridates was king of that country, who met them,
and fought them, but had like to have been taken alive in the
battle; for a certain man threw a net over him from a great distance,
and had soon drawn him to him, unless he had immediately cut the
cord with his sword, and ran away, and prevented it. So the Alans,
being still more provoked by this sight, laid waste the country,
and drove a great multitude of the men, and a great quantity of
the other prey they had gotten out of both kingdoms, along with
them, and then retreated back to their own country.
CHAPTER 8.
CONCERNING MASADA AND THOSE SICARII WHO KEPT IT; AND HOW SILVA
BETOOK HIMSELF TO FORM THE SIEGE OF THAT CITADEL. ELEAZAR'S SPEECHES
TO THE BESIEGED.
1. WHEN Bassus was dead in Judea, Flavius Silva succeeded him
as procurator there; who, when he saw that all the rest of the
country was subdued in this war, and that there was but one only
strong hold that was still in rebellion, he got all his army together
that lay in different places, and made an expedition against it.
This fortress was called Masada. It was one Eleazar, a potent
man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon
it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance
of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the
taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one; for then
it was that the Sicarii got together against those that were willing
to submit to the Romans, and treated them in all respects as if
they had been their enemies, both by plundering them of what they
had, by driving away their cattle, and by setting fire to their
houses; for they said that they differed not at all from foreigners,
by betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that freedom which Jews
thought worthy to be contended for to the utmost, and by owning
that they preferred slavery under the Romans before such a contention.
Now this was in reality no better than a pretense and a cloak
for the barbarity which was made use of by them, and to color
over their own avarice, which they afterwards made evident by
their own actions; for those that were partners with them in their
rebellion joined also with them in the war against the Romans,
and went further lengths with them in their impudent undertakings
against them; and when they were again convicted of dissembling
in such their pretenses, they still more abused those that justly
reproached them for their wickedness. And indeed that was a time
most fertile in all manner of wicked practices, insomuch that
no kind of evil deeds were then left undone; nor could any one
so much as devise any bad thing that was new, so deeply were they
all infected, and strove with one another in their single capacity,
and in their communities, who should run the greatest lengths
in impiety towards God, and in unjust actions towards their neighbors;
the men of power oppressing the multitude, and the multitude earnestly
laboring to destroy the men of power. The one part were desirous
of tyrannizing over others, and the rest of offering violence
to others, and of plundering such as were richer than themselves.
They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and
first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left
no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried,
in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. Yet
did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more
moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as
gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst
of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens;
nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances
of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently
in his impiety towards God would naturally do; for the food was
unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications
that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer
a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did
not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards
men. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the
son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain
from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant?
What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more
bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief
to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought
their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious
demonstration thereof. The Idumeans also strove with these men
who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all],
vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests,
that so no part of a religious regard to God. might be preserved;
they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of
a political government, and introduced the most complete scene
of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which
scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and
who indeed corresponded to the name; for they imitated every wicked
work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly
been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; and although
they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good,
yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those
they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition,
or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good.
Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought
upon them in way of punishment; for all such miseries have been
sent upon them as man's nature is capable of undergoing, till
the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them
in various ways of torment; yet might one say justly that they
suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they
could be punished according to their deserving. But to make a
lamentation according to the deserts of those who fell under these
men's barbarity, this is not a proper place for it; - I therefore
now return again to the remaining part of the present narration.
2. For now it was that the Roman general came, and led his army
against Eleazar and those Sicarii who held the fortress Masada
together with him; and for the whole country adjoining, he presently
gained it, and put garrisons into the most proper places of it;
he also built a wall quite round the entire fortress, that none
of the besieged might easily escape; he also set his men to guard
the several parts of it; he also pitched his camp in such an agreeable
place as he had chosen for the siege, and at which place the rock
belonging to the fortress did make the nearest approach to the
neighboring mountain, which yet was a place of difficulty for
getting plenty of provisions; for it was not only food that was
to be brought from a great distance [to the army], and this with
a great deal of pain to those Jews who were appointed for that
purpose, but water was also to be brought to the camp, because
the place afforded no fountain that was near it. When therefore
Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he fell to besieging
the place; which siege was likely to stand in need of a great
deal of skill and pains, by reason of the strength of the fortress,
the nature of which I will now describe.
3. There was a rock, not small in circumference, and very high.
It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that
the eye could not reach their bottoms; they were abrupt, and such
as no animal could walk upon, excepting at two places of the rock,
where it subsides, in order to afford a passage for ascent, though
not without difficulty. Now, of the ways that lead to it, one
is that from the lake Asphaltiris, towards the sun-rising, and
another on the west, where the ascent is easier: the one of these
ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in
its narrowness and its perpetual windings; for it is broken off
at the prominent precipices of the rock, and returns frequently
into itself, and lengthening again by little and little, hath
much ado to proceed forward; and he that would walk along it must
first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also nothing
but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there
is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the
courage of every body by the terror it infuses into the mind.
When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs,
the rest is the top of the hill - not ending at a small point,
but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain.
Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all
built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding
of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree;
he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven
furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was
twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; there were also erected
upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits
high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which
were built on the inside, round the entire wall; for the king
reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better
mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed
themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even
there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be
in want of it from abroad. Moreover, he built a palace therein
at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of
the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this
palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers
sixty cubits high. The furniture also of the edifices, and of
the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very
costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single
stones on every side; the walls and also the floors of the edifices
were paved with stones of several colors. He also had cut many
and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks, at
every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round
about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance
he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had
been fountains there. Here was also a road digged from the palace,
and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not
be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could
enemies easily make use of the plain roads; for the road on the
east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked
upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built
a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from
the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could
not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed
could those that walked along it without any fear (such was its
contrivance) easily get to the end of it; and after such a manner
was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of
men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.
4. As for the furniture that was within this fortress, it was
still more wonderful on account of its splendor and long continuance;
for here was laid up corn in large quantities, and such as would
subsist men for a long time; here was also wine and oil in abundance,
with all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up together; all which
Eleazar found there, when he and his Sicarii got possession of
the fortress by treachery. These fruits were also fresh and full
ripe, and no way inferior to such fruits newly laid in, although
they were little short of a hundred years (14) from the laying
in these provisions [by Herod], till the place was taken by the
Romans; nay, indeed, when the Romans got possession of those fruits
that were left, they found them not corrupted all that while;
nor should we be mistaken, if we supposed that the air was here
the cause of their enduring so long; this fortress being so high,
and so free from the mixture of all terrain and muddy particles
of matter. There was also found here a large quantity of all sorts
of weapons of war, which had been treasured up by that king, and
were sufficient for ten thousand men; there was east iron, and
brass, and tin, which show that he had taken much pains to have
all things here ready for the greatest occasions; for the report
goes how Herod thus prepared this fortress on his own account,
as a refuge against two kinds of danger; the one for fear of the
multitude of the Jews, lest they should depose him, and restore
their former kings to the government; the other danger was greater
and more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra queen of Egypt,
who did not conceal her intentions, but spoke often to Antony,
and desired him to cut off Herod, and entreated him to bestow
the kingdom of Judea upon her. And certainly it is a great wonder
that Antony did never comply with her commands in this point,
as he was so miserably enslaved to his passion for her; nor should
any one have been surprised if she had been gratified in such
her request. So the fear of these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada,
and thereby leave it for the finishing stroke of the Romans in
this Jewish war.
5. Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall
on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said
already, and had thereby made a most accurate provision to prevent
any one of the besieged running away, he undertook the siege itself,
though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks
he was to raise; for behind that tower which secured the road
that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west;
there was a certain eminency of the rock, very broad and very
prominent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of
Masada; it was called the White Promontory. Accordingly, he got
upon that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth;
and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of
them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred
cubits in height. Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high
for the use of the engines that were to be set upon it; but still
another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised
upon that bank; this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height.
The other machines that were now got ready were like to those
that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterwards by Titus,
for sieges. There was also a tower made of the height of sixty
cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans
threw darts and stones from the engines, and soon made those that
fought from the walls of the place to retire, and would not let
them lift up their heads above the works. At the same time Silva
ordered that great battering ram which he had made to be brought
thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent
batteries against it, which with some difficulty broke down a
part of the wall, and quite overthrew it. However, the Sicarii
made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which
should not be liable to the same misfortune from the machines
with the other; it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable
of avoiding the terrible blows that affected the other. It was
framed after the following manner: They laid together great beams
of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same
way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel
to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as
the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space
between those rows. Now, that the earth might not fall away upon
the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they further laid
other beams over cross them, and thereby bound those beams together
that lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like a real edifice;
and when the machines were applied, the blows were weakened by
its yielding; and as the materials by such concussion were shaken
closer together, the pile by that means became firmer than before.
When Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavor the taking
of this wall by setting fire to it; so he gave order that the
soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it:
accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood, it soon took fire;
and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire
spread to a mighty flame. Now, at the very beginning of this fire,
a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans; for
by bringing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they
were almost in despair of success, as fearing their machines would
be burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the
south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly
the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against
the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness.
So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their
camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next
day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that
night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without
being discovered.
6. However, neither did Eleazar once think of flying away, nor
would he permit any one else to do so; but when he saw their wall
burned down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping,
or room for their further courage, and setting before their eyes
what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives,
if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them
all slain. Now as he judged this to be the best thing they could
do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous
of his companions together, and encouraged them to take that course
by a speech (15) which he made to them in the manner following:
"Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never
to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself,
who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now
come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice.
And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for
self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery,
though it were then without danger, but must now, together with
slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean
this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under
their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted
from them, and we are the last that fight against them; and I
cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that
it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom,
which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly.
It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day's time; but
it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner,
together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves
cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to
take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight
them, and beat them. It had been proper indeed for us to have
conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very
first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and
when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse
treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the
same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor,
had now condemned them to destruction; for had he either continued
favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us,
he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered
his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies.
To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves
alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of
no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of
others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. Wherefore,
consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain,
by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are
now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; for the nature
of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved
a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great
abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries
more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all
hope of deliverance; for that fire which was driven upon our enemies
did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had
built; this was the effect of God's anger against us for our manifold
sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant
manner with regard to our own countrymen; the punishments of which
let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed
by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other.
Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before
they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let
us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and
preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument
for us. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by
fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to
the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies,
and shall fall of our wealth also; and let us spare nothing but
our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead
that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according
to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery."
7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. Yet did not the opinions
of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them
were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a
manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good
thing, yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration
for their wives and families; and when these men were especially
moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked
wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their
eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. When Eleazar saw
these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected
at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these
effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble
those that heard what he had said courageously; so he did not
leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting
proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak
more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality
of the soul. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes
intently on those that wept, he spake thus: "Truly, I was
greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who
struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved
either to live with honor, or else to die; but I find that you
are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue
or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered
thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no
delay in this matter, nor to await any one to give you good advice;
for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient
times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually
taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine
by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life
that is a calamity to men, and not death; for this last affords
our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their
own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts
of misery; for while souls are tied clown to a mortal body, they
are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth,
they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what
is mortal is disagreeable. It is true, the power of the soul is
great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving
it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible
instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than
mortal nature could otherwise do. However, when it is freed from
that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected
with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become
a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are
then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations.
It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God
himself; for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the
body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is
freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath
one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is
the cause of the change that is made in the body; for whatsoever
it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from
whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree
is there in it of immortality. Let me produce the state of sleep
as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein
souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest
rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their
alliance to him; they then go every where, and foretell many futurities
beforehand. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased
with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is
it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy
it to ourselves where it will be eternal! We, therefore, who have
been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an
example to others of our readiness to die. Yet, if we do stand
in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard
those Indians who profess the exercise of philosophy; for these
good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look
upon it as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let their
souls loose from their bodies; nay, when no misfortune presses
them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire
of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand
that they are about to depart; and nobody hinders them, but every
one thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried
to their familiar friends [that are dead], so firmly and certainly
do they believe that souls converse with one another [in the other
world]. So when these men have heard all such commands that were
to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire; and, in
order to their getting their soul a separation from the body in
the greatest purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendations
made to them; for their dearest friends conduct them to their
death more readily than do any of the rest of mankind conduct
their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey,
who at the same time weep on their own account, but look upon
the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of
the immortal order of beings. Are not we, therefore, ashamed to
have lower notions than the Indians? and by our own cowardice
to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are
so much desired and imitated by all mankind? But put the case
that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught
that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that
death is a calamity; however, the circumstances we are now in
ought to he an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously,
since it is by the will of God, and by necessity, that we are
to die; for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against
the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life
which [he knew] we would not make a due use of. For do not you
ascribe the occasion of our present condition to yourselves, nor
think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had
with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have
not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath
intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing
to be conquerors over us. What Roman weapons, I pray you, were
those by which the Jews at Cesarea were slain? On the contrary,
when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while
keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift
up their hands against the citizens of Cesarea, yet did those
citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats,
and the throats of their wives and children, and this without
any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their
enemies till we revolted from them. But some may be ready to say,
that truly the people of Cesarea had always a quarrel against
those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered
itself, they only satisfied the old rancor they had against them.
What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to
wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it
by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert
with our countrymen. Wherefore you see how little our good-will
and fidelity to them profiled us, while they were slain, they
and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which
was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they
had afforded the others; for that very same destruction which
they had prevented from falling upon the others did they suffer
themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors
against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time
of every destruction brought upon us; for you cannot but know
that there was not any one Syrian city which did not slay their
Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than
were the Romans themselves; nay, even those of Damascus, (16)
when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us,
filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people,
and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives
and children. And as to the multitude of those that were slain
in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they
were more than sixty thousand; those indeed being in a foreign
country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against
their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for
all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own
country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory?
For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared as not
to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers
in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from
the Romans. But then these advantages sufficed us but for a short
time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to
be the origin of our miseries; for all we had hath been taken
from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages
were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and
were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these
preparations were made. And as for those that are already dead
in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for
they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty;
but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Romans,
who would not pity their condition? and who would not make haste
to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them? Some
of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and
whippings, and so died. Some have been half devoured by wild beasts,
and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second
time, in order to afford laughter and sport to our enemies; and
such of those as are alive still are to be looked on as the most
miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at
it. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish
nation, which vas fortified by so many walls round about, which
had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could
hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which
had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? Where is this
city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein?
It is now demolished to the very foundations, and hath nothing
but that monument of it preserved, I mean the camp of those that
hath destroyed it, which still dwells upon its ruins; some unfortunate
old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women
are there preserved alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and
reproach. Now who is there that revolves these things in his mind,
and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might
live out of danger? Who is there so much his country's enemy,
or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that
he is still alive? And I cannot but wish that we had all died
before we had seen that holy city demolished by the hands of our
enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so
profane a manner. But since we had a generous hope that deluded
us, as if we might perhaps have been able to avenge ourselves
on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity,
and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to
die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives
while it is in our own power to show pity to them; for we were
born to die, (17) as well as those were whom we have begotten;
nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid
it. But for abuses, and slavery, and the sight of our wives led
away after an ignominious manner, with their children, these are
not such evils as are natural and necessary among men; although
such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is
in their power so to do, must undergo even them, on account of
their own cowardice. We revolted from the Romans with great pretensions
to courage; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve
ourselves, we would not comply with them. Who will not, therefore,
believe that they will certainly be in a rage at us, in case they
can take us alive? Miserable will then be the young men who will
be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments! miserable
also will be those of elder years, who will not be able to bear
those calamities which young men might sustain! One man will be
obliged to hear the voice of his son implore help of his father,
when his hands are bound. But certainly our hands are still at
liberty, and have a sword in them; let them then be subservient
to us in our glorious design; let us die before we become slaves
under our eneimies, and let us go out of the world, together with
our children and our wives, in a state of freedom. This it is
that our laws command us to do this it is that our wives and children
crave at our hands; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity
upon us; while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid
lest any of us should die before we are taken. Let us therefore
make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure, as
they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them
an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our
death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein."
CHAPTER 9.
HOW THE PEOPLE THAT WERE IN THE FORTRESS WERE PREVAILED ON
BY THE WORDS OF ELEAZAR, TWO WOMEN AND FIVE CHILDREN ONLY EXCEPTED
AND ALL SUBMITTED TO BE KILLED BY ONE ANOTHER.
1. NOW as Eleazar was proceeding on in this exhortation, they
all cut him off short, and made haste to do the work, as full
of an unconquerable ardor of mind, and moved with a demoniacal
fury. So they went their ways, as one still endeavoring to be
before another, and as thinking that this eagerness would be a
demonstration of their courage and good conduct, if they could
avoid appearing in the last class; so great was the zeal they
were in to slay their wives and children, and themselves also!
Nor indeed, when they came to the work itself, did their courage
fail them, as one might imagine it would have done, but they then
held fast the same resolution, without wavering, which they had
upon the hearing of Eleazar's speech, while yet every one of them
still retained the natural passion of love to themselves and their
families, because the reasoning they went upon appeared to them
to be very just, even with regard to those that were dearest to
them; for the husbands tenderly embraced their wives, and took
their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses
to them, with tears in their eyes. Yet at the same time did they
complete what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed
by the hands of strangers; and they had nothing else for their
comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this execution,
to avoid that prospect they had of the miseries they were to suffer
from their enemies. Nor was there at length any one of these men
found that scrupled to act their part in this terrible execution,
but every one of them despatched his dearest relations. Miserable
men indeed were they! whose distress forced them to slay their
own wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of
those evils that were before them. So they being not able to bear
the grief they were under for what they had done any longer, and
esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, to live even the
shortest space of time after them, they presently laid all they
had upon a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by
lot out of them to slay all the rest; every one of whom laid himself
down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms
about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of those
who by lot executed that melancholy office; and when these ten
had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for
casting lots for themselves, that he whose lot it was should first
kill the other nine, and after all should kill himself. Accordingly,
all these had courage sufficient to be no way behind one another
in doing or suffering; so, for a conclusion, the nine offered
their necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all
took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some or other
among so many that were slain should want his assistance to be
quite despatched, and when he perceived that they were all slain,
he set fire to the palace, and with the great force of his hand
ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near
to his own relations. So these people died with this intention,
that they would not leave so much as one soul among them all alive
to be subject to the Romans. Yet was there an ancient woman, and
another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women
in prudence and learning, with five children, who had concealed
themselves in caverns under ground, and had carried water thither
for their drink, and were hidden there when the rest were intent
upon the slaughter of one another. Those others were nine hundred
and sixty in number, the women and children being withal included
in that computation. This calamitous slaughter was made on the
fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].
2. Now for the Romans, they expected that they should be fought
in the morning, when, accordingly, they put on their armor, and
laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from their banks, to
make an assault upon the fortress, which they did; but saw nobody
as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire
within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were at
a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they made a shout,
as if it had been at a blow given by the battering ram, to try
whether they could bring any one out that was within; the women
heard this noise, and came out of their under-ground cavern, and
informed the Romans what had been done, as it was done; and the
second of them clearly described all both what was said and what
was done, and this manner of it; yet did they not easily give
their attention to such a desperate undertaking, and did not believe
it could be as they said; they also attempted to put the fire
out, and quickly cutting themselves a way through it, they came
within the palace, and so met with the multitude of the slain,
but could take no pleasure in the fact, though it were done to
their enemies. Nor could they do other than wonder at the courage
of their resolution, and the immovable contempt of death which
so great a number of them had shown, when they went through with
such an action as that was.
CHAPTER 10.
THAT MANY OF THE SICARII FLED TO ALEXANDRIA ALSO AND WHAT DANGERS
THEY WERE IN THERE; ON WHICH ACCOUNT THAT TEMPLE WHICH HAD FORMERLY
BEEN BUILT BY ONIAS THE HIGH PRIEST WAS DESTROYED.
1. WHEN Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in
the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Cesarea;
for there were now no enemies left in the country, but it was
all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances
and dangerous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea;
for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandria
in Egypt; for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither,
out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved
themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances,
and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their
liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves,
and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master. But when part
of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them,
and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations
to revolt from the Romans; but when the principal men of the senate
saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer
safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews
together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii,
and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils
that had come upon them. They said also that "these men,
now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping,
because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon
destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of
those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been
partakers with them in any of their sins." Accordingly, they
exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought
to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the
Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them;
who being thus apprized of the greatness of the danger they were
in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great violence
upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them; and indeed six hundred
of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled
into Egypt (18) and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere
they were caught also, and brought back, whose courage, or whether
we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, every
body was amazed at. For when all sorts of torments and vexations
of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them,
they could not get any one of them to comply so far as to confess,
or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved
their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought
to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with
bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced
under them. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders
was the courage of the children; for not one of these children
was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their
lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail
over the weakness of the body.
2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar
word of this commotion; who having in suspicion the restless temper
of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should
get together again, and persuade some others to join with them,
gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was
in the region called Onion, (19) and was in Egypt, which was built
and had its denomination from the occasion following: Onias, the
son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests fled from Antiochus
the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to
Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account
of hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply
with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance;
and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired
him to give him leave to build a temple some where in Egypt, and
to worship God according to the customs of his own country; for
that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus
who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would
then come to him with greater good-will; and that, by granting
them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over
to him.
3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place
one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. (20) That
Nomos was called the Nomos of Hellopolls, where Onias built a
fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such
as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height
of sixty cubits; he made the structure of the altar in imitation
of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts,
excepting the make of the candlestick, for he did not make a candlestick,
but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which
illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain
of gold; but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of
burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave
him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests
might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might
have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship.
Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had
a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget
the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly,
he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a
great number from them to himself. There had been also a certain
ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah,
about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built
by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the
building of that temple.
4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt
of Caesar's letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it
some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple
itself. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinns succeeded
him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened
the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did
he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much
as to come near the whole sacred place; but when he had shut up
the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there
remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that
had been in that place. Now the duration of the time from the
building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred
and forty-three years.
CHAPTER 11.
CONCERNING JONATHAN, ONE OF THE SICARII, THAT STIRRED UP A
SEDITION IN CYRENE, AND WAS A FALSE ACCUSER [OF THE INNOCENT].
1. AND now did the madness of the Sicarii, like a disease, reach
as far as the cities of Cyrene; for one Jonathan, a vile person,
and by trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed with no small
number of the poorer sort to give ear to him; he also led them
into the desert, upon promising them that he would show them signs
and apparitions. And as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed
his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them; but those of
the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor
of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of
the preparations he had made for it. So he sent out after him
both horsemen and footmen, and easily overcame them, because they
were unarmed men; of these many were slain in the fight, but some
were taken alive, and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the
head of this plot, he fled away at that time; but upon a great
and very diligent search, which was made all the country over
for him, he was at last taken. And when he was brought to Catullus,
he devised a way whereby he both escaped punishment himself, and
afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief; for he
falsely accused the richest men among the Jews, and said that
they had put him upon what he did.
2. Now Catullus easily admitted of these his calumnies, and aggravated
matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations, that he might
also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish
war. But what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy
belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii to accuse men
falsely. He bid this Jonathan, therefore, to name one Alexander,
a Jew (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel, and openly professed
that he hated him); he also got him to name his wife Bernice,
as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain
in the first place; nay, after them he caused all the rich and
wealthy Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than three thousand.
This he thought he might do safely, because he confiscated their
effects, and added them to Caesar's revenues.
3. Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict
him of his villainy, he extended his false accusations further,
and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with
him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against
the Jews that were of the best character both at Alexandria and
at Rome. One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation
was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books. However, this
plot, thus contrived by Catullus, did not succeed according to
his hopes; for though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan
and his companions along with him in bonds, and thought he should
have had no further inquisition made as to those lies that were
forged under his government, or by his means; yet did Vespasian
suspect the matter and made an inquiry how far it was true. And
when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was
an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them,
and this on account of Titus's concern about the matter, and brought
a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented,
and then burnt alive.
4. But as to Catullus, the emperors Were so gentle to him, that
he underwent no severe condemnation at this time; yet was it not
long before he fell into a complicated and almost incurable distemper,
and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but the
distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other;
for he was terribly disturbed, and continually cried out that
he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain standing before him.
Whereupon he was not able to contain himself, but leaped out of
his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him. This
his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually,
and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of
his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great
an instance of Divine Providence as ever was, and demonstrated
that God punishes wicked men.
5. And here we shall put an end to this our history; wherein we
formerly promised to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such
as should be desirous of understanding after what manner this
war of the Romans with the Jews was managed. Of which history,
how good the style is, must be left to the determination of the
readers; but as for its agreement with the facts, I shall not
scruple to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been what I have
alone aimed at through its entire composition.
